All Arab revolutions that have been started so far are just tragic rehearsals for real historical revolutions. They may devolve the Arab peoples to learn how to revolt against tyranny, how they gain their freedom, how they believe in the freedom of the others and release from slavery, except for the Syrian revolution, as one is confused about what will happen, despite its high human costs. This indicates that the legitimacy of the revolutions is not historically measured by the size of the sacrifices, but by their achievements.
On the other hand, the claimants of Kurdish politics and the impersonators of the national issue (the nationalists) did not learn from history and politics, as they proved once again their utter failure to represent the national cause of the Kurdish people.
The absence of joint political discourse, the failure to make an independent national decision, and the absence of a political elite capable of polarization and leadership are all original features of the serious crisis facing the Kurdish issue in Syria. This made it vulnerable to external infiltration and abuse by forces hostile to Kurdish nationalism. Half a century of political impotence, and more than ten crucial historical years, have proven their failure and impotence.
Why don’t we get used to confession and self-criticism? Throughout its history, the Kurdish political project in Syria has lacked an elite political holder who believes in and fights for it. The current political holder was, and still is, always ready to embark on historical and political bargaining, willing to fabricate justifications for its chronic crisis. In the end, it lacks a real and firm belief in the project that it claims to represent.
Kurdish political forces and groups have become impotent, mired in their impotence and opportunism, yet they insist on their claim to existence and legitimacy. They lent their tongue to the niche of shameful silence and put their heart on the table of cowards. This talk concerns everyone who is silent about the terrorism our people have been subjected to since the beginning in Aleppo, Qastal Jindo, and even now in Afrin and Ras al-Ain. The mercenary groups violated the walls of our cities and invaded our villages, they took the lives of our citizens. All this did not arouse the ire of our Kurdish partisans. What is after this suspicious silence? The criminal groups, nationalists and Salafist brigades, continued their terror after all of that, with the gloating and elation of some Kurdish parties, which did not embarrass in their silence about the barbarity of these thieves, who are the Ba’athists of the past and the jihadists of present.
The partisan silence front continued to invoke various political myths, chase after non-national options, and resort to directing public opinion towards false issues that distracted its attention from the real problems and fateful political challenges, until the invaders stalking for us and crouching on our borders infiltrated our cities and villages, wreaked havoc on them, and mastered in murder, plunder and robbery.
There will be no real freedom for our people, and they will not enjoy any equality in a future Syria unless we openly acknowledge our political flaws until this moment, and at the same time, unless we seek to unify their will around their national interests.
The will of these people was confiscated and their fate was dominated by petty politicians and climbers who only aimed for glory or fleeting personal success, and the costs were, until this moment, exorbitant for their future. What seems disappointing to all is that all peoples’ revolutions have produced or known great historical men, except for the revolution of our Kurdish people in Syria, which until this moment, has not enjoyed the presence of real men of history from the Syrian Kurdish political milieu, who have awareness of historical responsibility towards national goals and are able to embody them realistically in their behavior.
The essential thing in this matter is that the Kurdish politicians in Syria are not accustomed to exercising any great historical role, and they lack self-confidence in the possibility of playing such role, that is why we see them accepting a marginal and subordinate role for themselves most of the time, a role that can be said to be appropriate for young men. One can find them many times flocking to the doors of the fascist opposition, without reverence or fear. Peoples are easily deceived, and our people have been deceived by its politicians at this stage more than all other stages. However, the fear lies in that the deception this time may equate to historical suicide.
Until this moment in the development of the Syrian event, we did not hear from the opposition figures any source of hope and reassurance. Everyone is racing furiously to provoke the Kurds through their hostile stances and statements that reveal a hateful mentality and a narrow racist horizon. Everyone is delirious and screaming when it comes to the rights of the Kurds and their cause. Distrust, hatred and intolerance is the truth and essence of these people’s awareness of the Kurdish presence. It is difficult for them to convince us with their flowery words of equality, democracy and citizenship. The rusty masks on their face are easy to remove, as they have manifested so many times. Whatever the interpretation of this matter is, it reflects the reality of the Syrian opposition and the reality of its situation today.
Another incident that revealed the truth of this opposition’s position, was manifested in its reactions to the Autonomous Administration project. Regardless of our position on the tendency to declare Autonomous Administration in the Kurdish regions by Kurdish parties and the nature of the project itself, it is one of the simplest rights that an extended group with a common identity can have and be recognized by others. One can notice a fascist and panicked reaction floating on the feelings of all the Syrian opponents, from their mobs to their elites, without any apparent attempt to understand the rights of others or tolerance. Racial pus disguised by the expressions of “the homeland for all” and “the civil state”, began to float on their positions without shame or shyness. All the irrationality, political arrogance and the arrogance of guardianship had unified them in a compact cluster of hostile feelings.
The nobles among them began to borrow from the dictionary of their commoners their indecency in order to describe the Kurdish position and express their accumulated political emotions and their hatred with extreme vulgarity and at once. They started shrieking, making a commotion and shouting after they easily abandoned the aura of reverence and sobriety that they claimed throughout the previous era. This truth raises panic and deepens our suspicions more, especially since none of these showed any apparent emotion, angry, or even a small part of it, about the terrorist emirates that emerged everywhere in Syria throughout the previous period, or about the disgraceful practices of mercenary militias in Afrin and Sere Kaniye (Ras al-Ain). The hostility to the Kurds and the denial of their existence and their rights constitute a solid and cohesive base that unites the regime and the opposition in Syria and puts them on one front.
Preserving the independence of the national decision-making in Western Kurdistan was more important than any other political achievement. That is why the joining of any national party to the opposition coalition, which is considered a fascist den for every sectarian terrorist and racist Baathist, is evidence of its failure to represent the Kurdish cause in Western Kurdistan. This joining seemed to be hasty, as the successive facts have proven, as it was not intended to guarantee national rights as the facts proved. On the contrary, it represented the liquidation of the national issue and a waste of rights. Its aim was to achieve some narrow and petty party victories at the expense of the interests of the Kurdish people, and an evidence of a misreading of the political position. This joining was against the political will and desire of the Kurdish street. It represented a gamble of its existence in light of emerging regional challenges. On the other hand, the survival of the Kurds as an independent political force with independent political will and decision was immeasurably more beneficial than this futile recklessness.
We do not know which supernatural mind that convinced some Kurdish “political heads” at the time, that joining the Syrian National Council or the opposition coalition and the rest of the opposition blocs is a political and national gain, and an inevitable condition for any future political recognition of the role of the Kurds and their rights in Syria? It is likely that this conviction prevailed because of the plea or opportunistic eagerness of some politicians who are incapable and dominant over the Kurdish decision on behalf, more than anything else.
Why this naive determinism? Why this defeatist subordination to a non-Kurdish and non-national Syrian political will? Why saying that the Kurds alone, without relying on others, are incapable of doing anything, and that their cause in this position lacks all political legitimacy?
There is an inferior political awareness behind the adoption of such decision, stemming from terrible ignorance of the existing political reality, and from lack of confidence in the ability of the Kurds to achieve any progress in their national interest, depending on their own capabilities. These two matters reinforce the desire of many of those who pretended to speak in the name of the Kurdish cause to proceed with trading in the future of human beings for their own selfish purposes, and to reduce the common national interests of the society to their own self-desires.
It has been said before that the Kurdish issue is like “the change currency on the table of big gamblers,” and indeed it has become so today after a number of Kurdish politicians flocked to the tables of those who deny every Kurdish presence in Western Kurdistan. The confiscation of the Kurdish national decision in Syria and handing it over to racists and Islamic extremists was not free and was not an act of good faith. Rather, hidden and deliberate settlements took place, the least damaging results of which pushed the Kurdish issue behind the scene and behind the current concerns and diluted them, after it was attached to small agendas other than of importance or value, and perhaps it will be condemned to oblivion. There was also a cheap gamble with the national decision and the will of the Kurdish people on the part of small politicians, perhaps they were not the results of their actions or that were forced to do so.
One of the most important goals of those calling for Kurdish representation in the context of other opposition bodies, without recognizing independent representation, was to dilute the independent political character of the Kurdish issue, viewing it as a threshold or a margin on other issues, and ultimately preventing it from gaining an international dimension or weight. This is what regional parties have sought through the cooperation, complacency and complicity of some of those affiliated with the Syrian Kurdish policy. The main question that should have been answered at the beginning is: Is the Kurdish issue related to the existence of this regime so that we can be assured that its demise will inevitably lead to a just solution, or is it related to the distorted political and historical root of the establishment of the Syrian state? Will the tragedy of the Kurds in Western Kurdistan end with the end of this regime? I deeply doubt this, and I doubt more deeply today that such opposition will advance any partial solution or recognition of the Kurds’ rights in the future, bearing in mind that my mental pessimism compels me to admit that it will not be less racist and criminal, as facts have proven, than the Baathist regime. Nevertheless, there are a number of “good Kurds” who are still desperate to adhere to this fascist opposition and to ally with it until now despite its moral and political bankruptcy, nationally, Arab and on global levels, and they invent free excuses to justify their existence and their fragile representation within the frameworks of their institutions.
This opposition cannot convince the Kurds that it is with real change in Syria, that it is a revolution against tyranny, and with freedom and equality, without being a true supporter of a radical solution to the Kurdish question in Syria. Likewise, the Kurds today are not that naive to strive and sacrifice for the replacement of a tyrant for another who is more criminal. This is what those do not want to understand and be convinced of.