The week of November 25th marked the beginning of sixteen global days of action against gender-based violence. Beginning with the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, this UN observance challenges member states and civil society around the world to take action to fight harassment, abuse, assault, and other crimes committed against women and girls.
American officials working on the Syrian conflict marked the occasion with a statement that made no reference to the specific threats that women in the country face.
“Every woman deserves a life free from violence…the United States reaffirms its commitment to eliminating violence against women, and we call on our partners in governments, the private sector, and civil society, to work together to take immediate action,” read a Tweet from the U.S. Embassy in Syria.
American policy towards this crucial matter is just as lacking in meaningful detail. Although North and East Syria has put forward the strongest institutional and legal response to gender-based violence and the broader inequalities that drive it of any actor in the conflict, the U.S. has done little to highlight or support this crucial work.
And while Turkey and affiliated Syrian National Army militias have a dismal record on women’s rights, they have faced few words of condemnation from American officials—and fewer consequences.
In the areas that came under Kurdish control after the July 19th revolution, centers for vulnerable women were among the first institutions built. The first Mala Jin, or women’s house, in Afrin was opened in September 2011, a full 10 months before regime forces withdrew. In regions subsequently liberated from ISIS, this pattern continued— the first house in Manbij was opened in November 2016, three months after the SDF took full control of the city.
In 2017, the autonomous women’s village of Jinwar was created. Women and children living there are survivors of domestic abuse, ISIS atrocities, and other forms of violence. They run the village through a communal assembly and strive to be self-sufficient to lessen reliance on men.
Legal reform was also an early part of North and East Syria’s agenda. In 2014, when ISIS was at its peak, the cantons of Afrin, Kobane, and Jazira passed legislation proclaiming that “violence and discrimination against women are to be prevented,” and that “gender-based discrimination is a crime punishable by law.”
The region’s most recent constitutional document, adopted in all areas held by the SDF as of 2017, includes similar protections against gender-based violence. Article 25 of the Social Contract of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria states that “using violence, manipulation, and discrimination against women shall be considered a crime punished by law.”
While the problem of violence against women is far from being solved, it is clear that North and East Syria has made a sincere commitment to addressing it— a commendable human rights achievement. It is likely that their policies also have real security benefits: studies have found that states where women face less violence and discrimination are more peaceful and prosperous.
Despite this, the United States has not provided any meaningful assistance to programs and organizations devoted to these goals. Instead, it has looked the other way as Turkey and the SNA dismantle these achievements and threaten the women who built them.
In Turkish-occupied Afrin, Sere Kaniye, and Tel Abyad, the U.N. has documented how armed groups subject women to kidnappings, forced marriages, harassment, and rape. A recent report from the Department of Defense noted that the State Department was aware of this pattern—but had chosen not to sanction any SNA factions in response.
Every protection against gender-based violence and discrimination implemented by the Autonomous Administration has been repealed. A recent report from the Violations Documentation Center in Northeast Syria on rising rates of child marriage in Afrin suggests that this may have made these types of harmful practices more prevalent.
Turkey is also continuing to violate a US-brokered ceasefire agreement, with attacks on and around Ain Issa intensifying in recent days. Any Turkish advance into new territory would subject more women and girls to the same atrocities now seen in the occupied areas—an unacceptable development.
The fight to end gender-based violence, in conflict and in peacetime alike, must last longer than sixteen days each year to be successful. Women’s organizations in North and East Syria are aware of this. If the U.S. truly wants every woman to be able to live free from violence, the least it can do is help strengthen the initiatives already put into place on the ground to achieve that goal there—and be honest about the nature of the threats they face.