More legislation condemning various aspects of Turkey’s foreign and domestic policy has been introduced in the 116th Congress, which began in January 2019, than in any other Congress in recent history. Both Republicans and Democrats have introduced and co-sponsored bills that are harshly critical of Turkey, including leaders on prominent committees.
Turkey’s acquisition of a Russian S-400 missile system prompted the first round of legislative action. In 2019, the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which allocates funding to all U.S. military programs, included a ban on the transfer of F-35 fighter jets to Turkey. Nearly all of Turkey’s combat aircraft, which are used to target civilians across the region on a near-daily basis, are American in origin. Congress had never previously blocked such a significant arms transfer to Turkey.
The NDAA for fiscal year 2021, which was passed this year, maintained the ban on the transfer of F-35s. A recent report from Defense News claimed that the respective chairs and ranking members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and House Foreign Affairs Committee— the four members of Congress who can sign off on foreign arms sales— had been blocking other arms transfers to Turkey.
Congress also passed a bill that would require the U.S. to impose sanctions on Turkey for its use of the S-400 system. The sanctions have not been implemented by the executive branch, a move that has been heavily criticized by Congressional leaders.
In the aftermath of Turkish attacks on Sere Kaniye and Tel Abyad in October 2019, both Republican and Democratic members of Congress have introduced legislation condemning the invasion and calling for consequences. This marked the first time that the U.S. explicitly cited Turkish aggression in Syria as a reason to condemn Turkey at such a high level.
One bill filed by Senator Rand Paul, a Republican from Kentucky, called for a complete ban on arms sales to Turkey. Another Senate bill, introduced by Massachusetts Democrat Ed Markey, stated that the U.S. should support political prisoners, including HDP officials and those detained for expressing their opposition to Erdogan’s wars. An amendment to the 2021 NDAA proposed a study on war crimes committed by Turkish-backed armed groups— many of which received U.S. support just years ago. None of these proposals passed, but their introduction was a stark departure from typical American rhetoric about Turkey.
The bills that did pass at least one house of Congress were equally strong. A bill sanctioning Turkish officials involved in the operation passed the House of Representatives—along with a bill recognizing the Armenian Genocide.
This has several implications that will be relevant regardless of who wins the presidency. First, there is now clear, mainstream, bipartisan opposition to Erdogan’s expansionist and militarist foreign policy. Republicans and Democrats who agree on little else share the view that Turkey’s actions in Syria and beyond are dangerous and destabilizing.
Second, it shows that taking a strong anti-Erdogan position is politically popular. Members of Congress rarely speak out on issues where they can avoid taking any position at all. Those who criticize U.S. allies, no matter how legitimate their criticisms are, often face attacks. For so many members to openly criticize and oppose Turkey shows that they believe this to be a mainstream view that voters support.
Finally, it means that Congress is likely to be responsive if pushed to take a stronger stand against Erdogan’s autocracy. Some notable recent legislative measures, like the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, were made possible by community advocacy. No other branch of the U.S. government can be influenced by average citizens to the extent that Congress can. This is an important fact for both outside observers and concerned individuals in the United States to remember.
In January 2021, a new Congressional session will begin, and existing legislation that has not already been passed will have to be reintroduced to be considered. Yet it is likely that Turkey and Syria will remain on the agenda. Unless Turkey radically changes its behavior, Congress will continue to speak out and push for consequences that the Executive Branch may be more reluctant to implement.