By Hani Salem
ALEPPO, Syria (North Press) – Nabil Muhammad, a 37-year-old lawyer residing in the city of al-Bab in eastern Aleppo, holds that since the expulsion of the Islamic State (ISIS) from the city, there has been a continuous absence of security.
He notes that clashes and injuries persist, causing damage to the properties and vehicles of innocent civilians. The only outcome of these confrontations is often a mediated settlement by the Turkish-backed Military Police, affiliated with the Syrian National Army (SNA), leaving civilians the sole victims.
In an interview with North Press, the lawyer emphasizes that it is impossible for the administrations and leaderships in areas under Turkish influence to establish effective governance.
This can be attributed to the fact that the Turkish government is the primary beneficiary of the chaos and clashes occurring for trivial reasons. While they may not express satisfaction with the ongoing situation, Turkish forces have the ability to halt any conflicts between the conflicting factions.
The apparent failure of the Turkish-backed Syrian opposition, represented by the Interim Government, to control the conflicting factions and its security institutions, highlights its inability to effectively govern and control its areas of influence in a way that serves the best interests of the people. The deteriorating economic conditions have left the people exhausted, leading many to question the concept of the revolution and the credibility of those in charge.
Looking at the power distribution map in Syria, Najda Arfan, 50, a retired director in the city of Afrin, believes that the areas of influence of the Turkish forces and opposition factions “are considered the weakest and most militarily and security distorted, compared to the areas controlled by the Syrian regime and the Syrian Democratic Forces [SDF].”
He told North Press, “Unfortunately, today the factions have multiplied and are nominally subordinate only to the Ministry of Defense. In reality, each faction leader assumes the role of a military and security commander within the territory where their fighters are present. This has led to the emergence of mini-states within mini-states, driven by personal and economic motives.”
Hanadi al-Omda, 28, an employee at the Education Directorate in Afrin city, said, “It is impossible for the military factions within the three SNA legions or even within the security institutions, which are driven by specific agendas and interests, including the military and civil police, to effectively govern and lead the opposition-controlled areas in Afrin, Aleppo northeastern countryside, and the Peace Spring region [the cities of Sere Kaniye and Tel Abyad and their surroundings].”
Al-Omda attributes this to the fact that these factions “are characterized by multiple banners, goals, and interests, despite their affiliation with Turkey.”
In turn, a former administrator in the Political Guidance Office within the Second Legion of the SNA pointed out that the current security and military situation in the Turkish-controlled areas of Aleppo countryside is considered the worst. Things are heading towards further deterioration, and the problem lies in the fact that the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Interior in the Interim Government cannot implement or make any decisions without the approval of the Turkish governor responsible for the region.
Uday al-Juweid, 43, describes the situation in opposition-held areas as a “jungle,” adding that the portrayal presented by the opposition’s bodies on screens is merely a political façade orchestrated by Turkey. “However, the actual conditions in the so-called liberated areas are worse than those in regions controlled by the SDF and the areas under regime control.”
He stressed, “It has become necessary to declare the failure of the Syrian revolution that started in 2011, under the leadership of those focused on drugs, money, and pleasing Turkey.”