Druze are an important player in the region

The Druze faith originated in Egypt as an offshoot of Ismaili Shi’ism during the reign of the sixth Faṭimid caliph al-Ḥakim bi-Amr Allah. Some Ismaili theologians began to organize a movement declaring al-Ḥakim a divine figure. The faith emerged from the batini or esoteric tradition of the Ismaili faith in the early eleventh century, when a small group of Ismailis hailed the Fatimid Caliph, al-Hakim as the mahdi and manifestation of God in his unity. Hence, they call themselves al-muwahhidun (Unitarians). The Druze faith gradually got wiped out from Egypt but survived in isolated and distant areas of Greater Syria and Lebanon, where missionaries were able to establish significant community groups. Wherever they are found, the Druze form tight-knit communities, which are closed to outsiders since 1043AD, converts have not been permitted. The fundamental teachings of the Druze faith have roots in Islam as the Druze are staunch believers in the oneness of God, in the authenticity of the Quran as the word of God, and in Prophet Muḥammad as God’s messenger. But some of their beliefs like reincarnation differentiate them from mainstream Islamic ideology. Also, Druze incorporates some elements of Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, Zoroastrianism, and even classical Greek philosophy in their religious beliefs. But for Druze sages, their faith is a philosophical school within the realm of Islam, not a separate religion. 

Despite the small size of their community, the Druze have figured prominently in Middle Eastern history. During the Crusades, Druze soldiers aided the Ayyubid and later Mamluk forces by resisting Crusader advances at the coast of Lebanon. The Druze enjoyed considerable autonomy under Ottoman rule. But still often rebelled against it, protected from direct Ottoman control by the mountainous terrain of their homelands. Like a number of other ethnic groups in the Middle East, such as the Kurds, the Druze live in several different countries, separated by borders drawn after the breakup of the Ottoman Empire in the early 1920s. While Lebanon has the largest concentration of Druze, the much larger Syria has the largest total population of Druze, more than 600,000. Most of the Druze in Syria arrived from Lebanon in the 18^th century and settled around Suwayda in the region of Jabal al-Duruz (the Druze Mountains), where the vast majority of Druze in Syria continue to live today. Israel also has a sizable community of Druze about 150,000, located entirely in the northern portions of the country. Jordan is also home to a tiny Druze community, and migrant communities exist in the Gulf countries, the United States, and South America, especially in Venezuela.    

Today, as throughout their history, the Druze remain wreathed in mystery. However, given all the myths and misconceptions that surround them. The true mystery is how this small sect, which is a minority within a minority, has not only managed to co-exist peacefully in the troubled ethnic and sectarian political landscape of the Middle East but has also remained a consistently relevant player in the politics and cultural landscape of the region. The most possible reason for this is that the Druze are loyal to the ground they live on, and they protect it, as we’ve seen in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel. Since Syria’s independence in 1946, the Druze have been the prominent supporters of Syrian governments and regimes regardless of ideological backgrounds. The Druze are unique among the Arab communities in Israel, known for their loyalty to the state. After the Sunni leadership in Jerusalem threatened in 1942 to take control of the tomb of Jethro in Tiberias, the Druze sided with Jewish forces in the 1948 war. Druze soldiers have since fought for Israel in every Arab-Israeli war. They are the only Arab group conscripted into the Israel Defense Forces, and they participate in Israel’s border security and diplomatic corps. After the establishment of present-day Lebanon, the Druze, under the leadership of Kamal Jumblatt, became a force that challenged the sectarian model that favored the Christians and became the de facto leader of the political left. Despite the historical failure to change the Lebanese sectarian model that was inherently disadvantageous to the Druze, the political involvement of the Druze is significant.  

As the wave of Arab Spring hit Syria in March 2011 and resulted in the eruption of the popular uprising. In the initial stages of the civil conflict, Druze chose to take a neutral stand. But later due to conversion of the uprising into a bloody civil war accompanied by the rise of the Jihadist Islamic outfits presented the Druze with an unprecedented existential threat. As a microscopic minority group, the Druze realized for the first time in many centuries that their basic existence in the region is no longer an obvious fact. The community’s fear of jihadists was validated in June 2015 when dozens of Druze were massacred in a small village close to Idlib in northern Syria by jihadist terrorists from al-Nusra Front. The majority of Druze concluded that the Syrian regime of Dr Bashar al-Assad was the least of all evils, and its collapse would lead to the dissolution of the state itself. So, the Druze decided to side with the Syrian regime. In the last few weeks there have been numerous protests against the Syrian government in mainly Druze city of Suwayda. These protests were sparked by sudden steep fuel price hikes. But these protests can’t be seen as a threat to Damascus as they aim for better economic conditions rather than pressing for any political demands.  

It can be concluded that the Druze have found a niche in each state they live in. Thus, in the years to come Druze may be able to leave a mark on their respective state’s politics and at least contribute to the religious mosaic of the region. However, as a minority without natural allies, the existence of the Druze depends on coming to an arrangement with more powerful actors. In Israel, these are the dominant Jewish majority population. In multi-confessional Lebanon, where no clear majority exists, alliances can be forged or broken depending on current interests and the broader political situation. In sectarian-divided Syria, where power dynamics keep changing to survive, they have to align with a politically dominant group.