{"id":99146,"date":"2023-06-06T16:37:42","date_gmt":"2023-06-06T16:37:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/npasyria.com\/en\/?p=99146"},"modified":"2023-06-06T16:37:44","modified_gmt":"2023-06-06T16:37:44","slug":"why-is-the-us-pushing-for-saudi-israeli-normalization","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/npasyria.com\/en\/99146\/","title":{"rendered":"Why is the US pushing for Saudi-Israeli normalization?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

QAMISHLI, Syria (North Press) \u2013<\/strong> To call the slow thawing of relations between the Israeli and Saudi governments a rapprochement would be a misnomer \u2013 the two countries have never had formal diplomatic relations. Nevertheless, the Biden administration is pushing for the US’ two oldest \u2013 and arguably its closest \u2013 allies in the Middle East to normalize relations. Why?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The answer may be self-evident at first glance. Saudi Arabia is Washington’s oldest partner in the Middle East; its oil is crucial to America’s industry. Israel has relied heavily on the US for the past half-century; their intelligence services cooperate closely to curtail terrorism and Iran. Despite their dependence on Washington, both governments are not on speaking terms, at least not officially.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, Washington has attempted to mend Israel’s ties with other Arab governments. Under the Abraham Accords, established by President Donald Trump, Israel normalized relations with a number of states, including Saudi Arabia’s neighbors Bahrain and the UAE. But a relationship with Riyadh remained elusive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recent visits by high-ranking US officials to the Saudi capital are evidence of a new-found urgency by the Biden Administration to reach a deal. First steps have been taken, such as Israel signing off on a return of two Red Sea islands from Egypt to Saudi Arabia, or Riyadh granting flights from Israel the right to pass through its airspace. An agreement for direct flights between the two countries to carry Muslim pilgrims to Mecca is still in the works.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Israel has not done much to endear itself to its Arab neighbors. Benjamin Netanyahu’s new government, established in late 2022, is the most right-wing in the country’s history. Violence against Palestinians and illegal settlement construction has skyrocketed; observers say a third intifada may have already begun. Some Abraham Accord signatories, such as the UAE, have quietly distanced themselves from Israel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anti-Palestinian violence may be a sticking point for Saudi Arabia\u2019s King Salman, who has long championed the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative<\/a>, which calls for recognition of Israel only in exchange for Palestinian statehood and Israel\u2019s withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1967. His son, the crown prince and de facto leader Muhammad Bin Salman (MBS), reiterated that stance at the Arab League summit in Jeddah last week, saying that Palestinians remained \u201cat the top of the kingdom\u2019s priorities.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, in recent months, the al-Saud family has shown itself conciliatory. A Chinese-brokered deal provided some respite in the Saudi-Iranian relationship; Iran’s embassy in Riyadh is set to open after a seven-year hiatus. Saudi Arabia will also likely end its involvement in Yemen’s war. Israel, for its part, has calmed tensions with Lebanon, a step commended by President Biden<\/a>. Both countries have also mended their relationship with NATO partner Turkey. \u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This may appear auspicious for the US’ normalization efforts. In reality, it betrays American diplomatic efforts as moot. Both governments have normalized ties with recent adversaries, including governments Washington finds unsavory. Besides Iran, Saudi Arabia has also reached out Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, Hamas, Russia, and China<\/a>. On June 5, it hosted Venezuela’s president, Nicolas Maduro<\/a>. Riyadh joined Iran, the UAE and Oman in a new, Chinese-backed naval initiative in the Persian Gulf<\/a> last week, forsaking a competing US-led operation. Israel has kept its relationship with Russia intact even as the West isolated Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine. A Saudi-Israeli normalization may be “a question not of if, but when,” as an American analyst tells Al-Monitor<\/a>, but it will hardly be a major win for Washington.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any normalization, especially under an Abraham Accord-type deal, would lead to some measure of bilateral trade and investment, but Biden will be disappointed if he hopes that it will result in a united front against Iran, China or Russia. Nor is Washington likely to leverage a deal to push the two countries to address their disastrous human rights records. Once vocal about Saudi Arabia’s crimes, Biden has remained silent in recent years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This should put into question the significant concessions Saudi Arabia’s leadership is demanding from Washington in return for normalization with Israel. According to several reports, MBS has asked for ‘NATO-type’ security guarantees from the US, as well as assistance in establishing a domestic nuclear infrastructure, including to enrich uranium. Besides being a hard-sell to Congress, Washington will get next to nothing of substance in return.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Washington’s Middle East policy appears to be aimless and crumbling. After decades at war in Iraq and Afghanistan, it has little to show for it; its involvement in Syria lacks a clear exit strategy; and traditional allied governments in the Gulf are diversifying away from the West. A Saudi-Israeli normalization is a symbolic win which could play well with voters ahead of the 2024 presidential elections \u2013 but it is little else. Nonetheless, a symbolic win may be all the US can get.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sasha Hoffman<\/strong>  <\/h3>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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